Robert S. Rait

“ If the production of a legal system forms but a small apologia for a Parliament which existed [xxvi] for several centuries, it nevertheless entitles the Scottish Estates to be reckoned among the forces which have made the nation; and it is legitimate cause of satisfaction that, in spite of all the forces of misgovernment which held sway for so long, the peculiarity of the law of Scotland is its regard for the poor and the weak. ”

“ It is no longer possible to recognize the fabric of the constitution of the kingdom which King James left in 1603.
Such a subject as this must, of necessity, occupy the border between antiquities and history, and it possesses its full share of the difficulties that beset the antiquary more than the historian. The information which it is the antiquary's duty to collect is widely scattered in bounds of space, and [x] is possessed of but a meagre connection in thought. He must be prepared to bring together his material from many different quarters and to find it in many varying forms. ”

“ Even in the centuries of our separate history which are most fully known, the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth, we are beset by many of the same problems and by others not less obscure. How far was constitutional development in Scotland affected by the short-lived union under Edward I? How far by the three hundred years of alliance with France? Can we infer any connection between the German Diet and the Scottish Estates, between the Lords of the Articles and the Committee by which Richard II attempted to supersede the English Parliament? ”

“ With the tragedy at Perth, which rendered the Christmas of 1437 for ever memorable, the great plans of the first James lost all chance of fruition. Parliament had done good work during his reign. It had conferred a legality on his ordinances which rendered them less the creatures of the royal will and weakened the protests of the nobles against the king's tyranny. [98] But we cannot reasonably credit the Estates with any initiative. The acts are the king's acts. Even the judges—the lords of session—were no longer elected by Parliament; they were chosen by the king. ”

“ No man knew the powers of his time better than did John Knox; and in Knox's History of the Reformation in Scotland there are very few references to the Scottish Parliament, and only one of these is more than incidental. In this respect, Knox is a fair specimen of early historians. The only exception is George Buchanan, who tells of many meetings of "the Estates, who possess the supreme power in everything." ”

“ The English historian knows definitely the racial distribution with which he has to deal, and he can disintegrate the influence of Saxon and Dane and Norman. In Scotland, we have to face at the very outset, a racial problem as yet unsolved, and we are called upon to disassociate influences of the origin of which we are ignorant, and whose effects we meet only in the mass. ”

“ Under the personal rule of James I we have the best instance in Scottish history of government in accordance with what would now be called the theory of the Scottish constitution. But it was not "constitutional government" in our modern derived sense of the word. The Parliament was not intended to be the ruling body. King James was a masterful man, and he aimed at using the Parliament as the best means of creating a powerful monarchy, not at giving it a power to rival his own. ”

“ The weakness of Robert II, already an old man, and the general political history of the time, render it impossible to accept this as a constitutional claim, and the overwhelming probability is that Parliament was, as so often afterwards, in the hands of a small clique of nobles, who used it for their own purposes. Possibly, the barons who were really responsible for the misgovernment of the country, wished to avoid meeting, in the committee, anyone who might be bold enough to draw attention to the real facts of the case. ”

“ When Charles II died, Parliament addressed James VII in terms ludicrously obsequious. "The death of that our excellent monarch is lamented by us to all the degrees of grief that are consistent with our great joy for the succession of your sacred majesty." Between 1660 and 1689 the Scottish Parliament was once more the merest instrument for official sanction. A contemporary has left us his impressions of the time. He tells us that the methods of the Lords of the Articles were not quite so secret as they used to be. ”

“ As we have already indicated, the most valuable work of the Parliament is its record as an [11] instrument for the peace of the country. It was a court of justice, and the existing judicature of Scotland is directly traceable to a committee of the Estates. It was also the source of administrative order. Amid all the struggles of contending factions in the interests of which the Estates were summoned, there were always a few—bishops, or permanent officials, or burgesses—who desired to see some acts passed for the peace of the land. ”

“ The Church did for Scotland what the Parliament accomplished for England. The Assembly was not a meeting of ecclesiastics alone. The strength of the Church lay in the presence of lay members in her courts, [120] to which there came earls, lords, and barons, and commissioners from provinces and universities. Each member, be he lord or peasant, the minister of St. Giles, or a Glasgow baillie, had equal right to speak, and no man's vote counted for more than that of his neighbour. The history of Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution is the history of the General Assembly. ”

“ If the record of the Estates was one long submission, it did not contain a defeat, and it was capable of two interpretations. So, after the death of the king, the men who had just executed Huntly sent to offer terms to Charles II. It is significant that there were four representatives of the Estates, and three of the Assembly. The power was still conjoint, although Parliament during these years of struggle had learned to act. When the young king came to Scotland he found himself little more than a prisoner in the hands of the grim, staunch fearless men who surrounded him. ”

“ Of late times matters have been at full length and freely debated in Parliament. They sit all in one House, and every one answers distinctly to his name and gives his vote, which is in these terms, I approve or not; only those who are not [108] satisfied one way or another, say Non liquet, which is a great ease to those who are conscientious, and a common refuge to the cunning Politicians; the major vote carries it. No dissents or protests are allowed in public acts, but are accounted treasonable. ”

“ The smaller freeholders, influenced by their strong sense of clan and family loyalty, attached themselves to the great barons. They were, as we shall see, never really represented in Parliament till the reign of James VI, and not till religious questions assumed a position of importance did they find any bond of union with the representatives of the burghs. The growth of English parliamentary liberty is largely due to the coalescence of the knights of the shires with the burgesses, and no such alliance was made in Scotland before the reign of Queen Mary. ”

“ For he will find here no record of liberty slowly broadening from precedent to precedent, no statesmen kings, surrounded by sagacious advisers, defining the scope and the purpose of a legal system, no patriotic barons, banded together to wrest from an unwilling monarch a power which was not being wielded for the national good, no common aim uniting reformers of the thirteenth century with reformers of the seventeenth. ”

“ In questions relating to movable succession, for example, widows and children are protected from the eccentricities of death-bed piety; in cases of legitimacy and marriage the weak can claim privileges refused to them by English law; and with regard to divorce, the rights of husband and wife are equal. The principles of Scots law which protect the lease-holder and the tenant against the caprice of the landlord can be traced to an Act of the Scottish Parliament as far back as 1449. ”

“ We possess no writs summoning a Parliament, no report of a debate in the Scottish Estates. The constitution of a valid Parliament, the procedure necessary for prorogation and dissolution, the rights of the burgess members, were never definitely decided. The "three Estates" was a technical term having a different meaning at different times, and the word Parliament was applied to bodies so diverse as the great Council which negotiated the ransom of King David II and the nobles who entered into a hasty consultation with James IV at Twiselhaugh. ”

“ It is not till the year 1326 that we find a complete parliament, containing lords and commons, and this must be kept in mind while we proceed to the consideration of the normal form of the "Estates of Scotland."
In the first place, we have the clergy. Bishops, abbots, and priors possessed, as tenants-in-chief, the same right of attendance in councils as secular freeholders had, and they could more easily make use of their opportunities. At the Reformation, the bishops who became protestants, the lay commendators, and the "tulchan bishops," seem to have kept their seats. ”

“ As English constitutional liberty advanced, phrases borrowed from the English Commons find a place in the Scottish records, but they possess no real significance, and they render more difficult the task of interpreting the Acts. It is only now and again that we can speak with certainty of the membership of Parliament, or of the proportion of burgesses to barons and ecclesiastics. The Acts of the Parliament of Scotland give as little assistance to the historian as it is possible for such documents to yield.
Our information certainly becomes less meagre as time goes on. ”

“ No figure stands out pre-eminently from the crowd; no man of the time left any impression on succeeding generations. The one event that has given significance to the name of Robert II is the "hontynge of the Cheviot," the battle where the dead Douglas won the field. Two points demand notice from a constitutional stand-point. The family difficulties of the king led to the establishment of the succession by the Estates. [89] But the crown was entailed in accordance with the king's wish, and the fact affords no indication of the power of Parliament. ”

“ The Parliament of England had urged the king to an interference with the Darien Scheme, which could not be regarded in Scotland as other than a betrayal. The Scottish Estates had not responded to the Act of Settlement in 1700, and when Queen Anne succeeded, the attitude of the two countries was becoming increasingly threatening. England regarded any advance of Scottish prosperity as a success gained at her own cost. Scotland feared that the country was to be permanently under foreign influence. ”

“ For it is agreed that the idea of representation existed in England before the towns were summoned to Parliament, while in Scotland no such idea is traceable, nor are there any writs such as were issued for the English towns. It might even be argued that, in strict theory, there was no representation in Scotland till 1832; that commissioners both from shires and burghs only saved their fellows the trouble of attendance, the right to attend being, not de facto but in ultimate theory, possessed by all who were entitled to vote. ”

“ His aim in Scotland was to introduce a "new monarchy," and he determined to make the existence of Parliament the main weapon in the encounter with his rebellious lords. Accordingly, in the year 1425, we find that all prelates, earls, barons, and freeholders, "since they are holden to give their presence in the king's parliament and general council," are enjoined to appear in person "and not by a procuratour, but if that procuratour allege and prove lawful cause of his absence." ”

“ It has been surmised that the clergy and the burgesses acted with the Crown, in opposition to the nobles; but to state such a formula is to read English ideas into Scottish history. The historian can point to scarcely an instance where the nobles were definitely ranged in a body against the king. If nobles were the most prominent opponents of the Crown, nobles were also its most prominent supporters, although the personnel of both parties constantly varied. The bishops, as we have seen, were often dependent upon the great lords. ”

“ The council was composed solely of prelates and great lords representing mainly the party in power, although including the patriotic bishop of Aberdeen, [104] who had been a faithful servant of James III. We have here a distinct constitutional advance. The king owed his power, not to a small clique such as had been frequently formed in the late reign, but to a large confederation of the greater nobles, who took the opportunity of legally defining the position of the sovereign. But within a few years we find James ruling alone. He was an able man and he ruled well. ”

“ The nobles were divided by feuds. Nobody was strong enough to make himself supreme. The country was governed by a committee of the nobles. Still, the reign of David II made two contributions to such constitutional theory as Scotland possessed. One of these is an emphatic reiteration of what had been done in the preceding reign. After his return from England, David, in pursuance of a private agreement with Edward III, attempted to persuade the Estates to acknowledge Prince Lionel of England as his heir. ”