Frederic Bancroft and William A. Dunning

“ Meanwhile, in the autumn of 1873 the great financial and industrial crisis occurred, which introduced a wholly new element into the political situation and crossed the lines that separated the parties with troublesome questions of the finances and the currency. Inflation or contraction, “greenbacks” or specie resumption, were the problems with which Congress was called upon to struggle; and throwing himself with ardor into the long and complex discussion of these subjects, Mr. Schurz added new laurels to those already won for cogent doctrine and effective debate. ”

“ At the same time he was in close and frequent communication with the candidate, ready to counteract any influences unfavorable to reform. Tilden had so strong a record as a reformer that the Republican cause seemed, as the campaign approached its crisis, to be in serious peril. To the shrewdest partisans, particularly Blaine and Morton and Conkling, it appeared that the only hope of success lay in emphasizing the Southern question and the possibility of rebel triumph through Democratic success. Schurz labored energetically against this view. His letters to Hayes were frequent and urgent. ”

“ He claimed that unless precedence should be given to the reform issues, the Independent voters, eager for reform, would go to Tilden. “The cry for a ‘change’ is immensely powerful. People say, Governor Hayes is an honest man, but what good will it do to elect him if his administration is controlled by Morton, Conkling, Cameron, Chandler, Blaine, etc.—and off they go where they are sure of a ‘change.’ I could show you a number of letters from men of Republican sympathy, of cool judgment and more or less prominence and influence, who have taken or are inclined to take that course. ”

“ The part of the address that excited greatest interest was a series of paragraphs describing the types of politicians for whom the reformers would not vote. No names were mentioned, but the mordant phrases clearly etched the familiar forms of all the leading Republican aspirants, save Bristow, for the Presidency. Blaine, Morton, Conkling, as well as every “dark horse” whose availability might lie in his weakness and indisposition to offend, instead of in his power and resolution to crush all obstacles to reform, were thereby barred by the Independents. ”

“ I feel that the subject I am discussing with you is a delicate one, but I can speak about it with entire frankness and candor, because I have no ax of my own to grind. If you are elected you will not find me among those who ask for or expect place or favor. ”

“ During the final months of senatorial labor in the winter of 1874-75 he had occasion once more to arraign the administration for its renewed interference by force in the affairs of Louisiana. A well-rounded and philosophical discussion of the tendency of things represented by this policy of the administration was the last formal oration of Mr. Schurz on the floor of the Senate.
Two weeks after he ceased to be Senator he wrote to F. W. Bird: “I see some reason to hope that the year 1876 will present an opportunity for a movement such as that of 1872 ought to have been.” ”

“ Schurz and his thoroughly kindred spirits could have no thoughts of party affiliation while maladministration, corruption or false notions of public finance were in control. The greenback and inflation heresy affected both parties, but it found a distinctly better reception among the Democrats. The Independents were radical hard-money men, and they found in President Grant's veto of the worst inflation bill in the spring of 1874 partial atonement for the shortcomings of his administration. ”

“ By mere force of the elimination of the real leaders, Hayes, the “favorite son” of Ohio, came to the front in the balloting and was nominated.
Hayes had been assiduously pressed upon the attention of the party ever since his election as Governor of Ohio in 1875, but until recently the effect had seemed slight. As early as February, 1876, Captain A. E. Lee, the secretary of Governor Hayes, confidentially opened communication with Mr. Schurz and furnished him with a full account of Hayes' views on all the leading issues of the day. There had been no doubt on the currency question. ”

“ Throughout the West the demand for more “greenbacks” was almost as widespread and importunate among Republicans as among Democrats. Hence the Western Republican Senators felt the situation very keenly and were disposed to take half measures where they actually believed that drastic legislation was needed to put the currency on a sound basis. Three prominent Western Republicans, Morton of Indiana, Logan of Illinois, and Ferry of Michigan, committed themselves definitely to an expansion of the paper currency. Therefore they became Mr. Schurz's chosen antagonists. ”

“ Such moral satisfaction, however, does not provide for the necessities of life. So the Ohio campaign was followed by a particularly long and full season of public lecturing. Schurz's picturesque career, his philosophical mind and inspiring eloquence had for over a decade and a half made him a favorite on the lyceum stage. ”

“ On January 4, 1876, and before this new revelation, Schurz wrote to Bowles: “Strong efforts are made here [New York City] for Blaine and Bristow. Our friend [William Walter] Phelps has again succumbed under the ‘personal magnetism’ of the former, and Nordhoff also. It seems they have so engaged themselves that the chances of recovery are slim. I do my very best, but with little hope.” Six days after Blaine's sensational speech Schurz sent Bowles this cheerful comment: “It seems almost as if Blaine had virtually killed himself as a candidate, as I always thought he would. ”

“ Rutherford B. Hayes was the Republican candidate and stood stoutly for resumption and hard money. Adams renewed his urging that Schurz should take a hand in the contest, declaring that Allen's election would be a shocking blow to the Liberal cause. “The weapon with which to kill him is the German vote; it is the only effective weapon at hand, and you are its holder. ”

“ You suggest that I go to Columbus to meet Hayes and talk Bristow. I saw him here and talked Schurz. ... Sherman for the Treasury engaged certain. It does not seem worth while to combat the inevitable. ... I was very urgent with Hayes to appoint you and ascertained that he had an opinion that there was no premiership in the Secretary of State, and he thought there was more room for civil-service reform work in the Interior than in the War Department. ... Is there some danger that if you went into the Cabinet you would be a disturbing element? ”

“ The rumor that the Republicans would try to prevent the confirmation of Schurz's nomination was not surprising. To meet such a contingency some of his admirers strongly urged the Democratic Senators to vote for confirmation. It was especially gratifying to Mr. Schurz to learn that this movement was participated in by former senatorial colleagues and by Oswald Ottendorfer, who had sharply differed with him in the campaign of 1876. When the Senate came to vote on the nominations for the Cabinet no considerable opposition was made to the prospective Secretary of the Interior. ”

“ Among these were Hoadley and Stallo of Ohio, Ottendorfer of New York, and both the elder and the younger Charles Francis Adams. Gustav Koerner of Illinois also went into the Democratic camp. It was significant of political conditions and of Schurz's good influence that Koerner, immediately after the nomination, begged Schurz to withhold for a time the publication of his support of Hayes, because if the Democrats became convinced that they could not win the Independents, they might turn away from Tilden and throw themselves into the arms of the inflationists. ”