Carl Russell Fish

“ The supporters of Jackson were boastfully confident that he would interpret reform as they desired. The Richmond Enquirer, the most powerful newspaper of the South, prophesied January 1, 1829, “A salutary reform will be attempted under the coming Republican administration . . .; in perfecting it friends will be preferred to opponents — coöperatives to assailants.” On the same day it said: “Some have been pleased to speak of reform in this case as synonymous with proscription. ”

“ After the acts of the administration had revealed its policy, Jackson, in his first annual message, December, 1829, formulated the principles which had guided him: —
“There are, perhaps, few men who can for any great length of time enjoy office and power without being more or less under the influence of feelings unfavorable to the faithful discharge of their public duties. ”

“ What it says about reform in office may be either a prelude to a general change in office, or a mere sop to soothe the hunger, without satisfying it, of the thousand expectants for office who throng the city, and clamor all over the country. ”

“ As head of the Albany Regency he was looked upon by many Northern politicians as the best man on whom to rely for support when asking for office, and many delegations were sent to Washington to assure him of support in his candidacy for the succession and to request his aid in pushing through a slate of appointments. It mattered not how few Jackson's supporters might be in any district — they were sure to be divided as to the sharing of the spoils. ”

“ The duties of all public offices are, or at least admit of being made, so plain and simple that men of intelligence may readily qualify themselves for their performance; and I can not but believe that more is lost by the long continuance of men in office than is generally to be gained by their experience. ”

“ Duff Green was not the only political leader who had cause complain that his recommendations were slighted. In regard to appointments, as in all other matters, Jackson was independent, and would willingly sacrifice party welfare to the calls of friendship or of personal whim. Private considerations alone seem to have led to the choice of Major Eaton to be secretary of war, and of Swartwout as collector at New York. [34] Parton, in his life of Jackson, gives as authentic the autobiographical account of a “Successful Politician”; it is at any rate characteristic. ”

“ When it is remembered in addition that the offices were hundreds and the office-beggars were thousands, the difficulties of distribution are apparent.
Necessity is sure to evolve any machine that is really essential, but time is required for the process. Thus, although means were finally found for systematically dividing the spoils, they were not discovered early enough to save the Jackson administration from embarrassment. As of old, congressmen were active and anxious to relieve the president by assuming the whole task themselves ”

“ Amos Kendall says that they did “reject on frivolous grounds many of his [Jackson's] best nominations”; and Louis McLane wrote to Hamilton, “It is impossible that some evil spirit is not at work in that body, otherwise the reckless course of the opposition must have united the majority in spite of all men's dislike; but I confess I want the clue to some of the rejections.” [38]
The fact is that the Senate refused to confirm some of the most prominent Jackson politicians, men of great ability but particularly obnoxious to the opposition, — men like Isaac Hill and Mordecai M. Noah. ”

“ A similar conflict in Illinois may be studied in the letters of Duff Green himself to Governor Edwards. The latter expected to profit by the adoption of a policy which he had so long advocated, and his friends supposed that he would have “as much influence over General Jackson as any other man in this state.” He evidently desired to declare openly for Calhoun, and to rely upon General Green's influence at Washington; but Green wrote: “It is particularly desirable that the conflicting interests of our party be made to harmonize and to prevent a premature collision. ”

“ Nevertheless, it needs no accumulation of evidence to show that the whole method of appointment told against effective administration. The interest in reform lay in finding opponents wrong, rather than in watching friends carefully. Hamilton says that the president told him, “Go to the duties of your office, and make as much money as you can.” ”

“ In January, 1832, a more sweeping resolution was introduced by Senator Ewing: “That it is inexpedient for the Senate to advise and consent to the appointment of any person, to fill a supposed vacancy in any office, occasioned by the removal of a prior incumbent, unless such prior incumbent shall appear to have been removed for a sufficient cause.”
These resolutions were intended simply to guide the Senate in the execution of its constitutional function of advising and consenting to appointments ”

“ A young man, belonging to one of the prominent political families of New York, but himself of no prominence, obtains a small clerkship at Washington through the influence of Van Buren, and his duties bring him into close contact with the president. ”

“ The incumbent became an officer with a view to public benefits, and when these require his removal they are not to be sacrificed to private interests. It is the people, and they alone, who have a right to complain when a bad officer is substituted for a good one. He who is removed has the same means of obtaining a living that are enjoyed by the millions who never held office. ”

“ Amos Kendall himself, one of the most efficient public officers that Jackson appointed, was confirmed only by the casting vote of Vice-president Calhoun. Some of the men rejected would seem to have deserved their fate; but whether rejected for good reasons or bad, they became sure of the good-will of the president, who was moved to inexpressible wrath at this unprecedented opposition to his will. Sometimes he would give the victim a new position ”

“ Impregnated with tradition, they felt themselves indispensable, and could not believe that the new president would attempt to run the government without them: it very often happens that a revolution surprises no one so much as its victims. Their sense of security was doubtless fostered by those letters of Jackson to Monroe which have been already cited ”

“ In January, 1832, he again wrote to Edwards, “Instead of using the patronage upon the high principle on which it was given to him of promoting the public good, he [Jackson] uses it as a personal chattel, to be administered to advance his own re-election and to advance the private interests of a few dependants.” [33] The fact that his mortification over appointments rankled so long after the actual break with Jackson took place would seem to point to that as one reason for his following Calhoun to the tents of the Myrmidons. ”

“ The Jackson managers were not greatly disturbed by a hostile judiciary, — they ignored it when it interfered with their plans; but there was another bit of patronage, not officially belonging to the public service, which they were unwilling to let slip through their fingers, the United States Bank. Jefferson wrote to Gallatin, July 12, 1803: “As to the patronage of the Republican Bank at Providence, I am decidedly in favor of making all the banks Republican, by sharing deposits among them in proportion to the disposition they show ”

“ Moreover, Jackson did not find the civil service entirely hostile to him. Adams's postmaster-general, McLean, was one of Jackson's most conspicuous supporters; and, though he was a moderate man and the charges that he had actively used his appointing power to further his political views are probably untrue, it is not to be supposed that he rigidly excluded Jackson men from office previous to Jackson's election. [62] It is to be presumed, therefore, that a rather large portion of the appointees of the post-office department were Jackson men. ”

“ This bootless contest went on as long as the opposition controlled the Senate, the most conspicuous rejection being that of Van Buren when nominated as minister to England. [40]
The opposition soon saw the futility of thus cutting off nominations in detail, and sought to devise some general bulwark to protect such of their friends as still remained in office, and to put a limit to the power of the executive. The Senate adopted a resolution in 1831, declaring “that it is inexpedient to appoint a citizen of any one State to an office which may be vacated or become vacant in any other State . ”

“ The Telegraph was right; the politicians demanded the spoils, and they had the support of the people. Jesse Hoyt wrote to Van Buren at this time, “I have said from the commencement of the contest that I would not support any administration who would support men in power that had contributed to overthrow the democratic party in this State. ”

“ The official organ of the new party at Washington was the Daily Telegraph, edited by General Duff Green. [6] Certainly no one who read its pages could plead ignorance as to the intentions of the Jackson managers. As early as November 2, 1828, it announced, “We know not what line of policy General Jackson will adopt; we take it for granted, however, that he will reward his friends and punish his enemies.”
These and numerous other editorials of similar import expressed not only a popular expectation, but also a popular demand. The editors and politicians did not think that Jackson would falter ”

“ Political reform fared worse than administrative. The appointment of numerous members of Congress to office by the party which had long been denouncing such practice delighted Jackson's opponents, [79] and grieved many of his friends. In Tennessee, Mr. Miller, who intended to run for Congress in support of Jackson, withdrew, ostensibly at least, because the latter had seduced one governor and three senators into his cabinet. ”

“ The regular state organization declared for Calhoun, and sent Nathaniel Greene, editor of the Statesman, to the capital to press upon the administration a list of appointments. Another faction, represented by the Bulletin, cried “Stop thief,” hastily rallied in support of the Van Buren plan of a second term for Jackson, and sent a counter embassy to make plain to the president their services in the past and their influence for the future. ”

“ An intense gloom hung over the city in the spring of 1829; [82] and when, shortly after the proscription began, John Henshaw, a clerk in the treasury department, committed suicide, Adams attributed his act to fear of removal. [83] There can be no doubt that the public opinion of Washington condemned the administration, especially because of its policy of removals. The capital was thirty years old, with a stable population and an established society. ”

“ Jackson will not be a candidate, and that Mr. Calhoun will be the candidate of the South and West, and that he will also obtain the Democracy of New England. Pennsylvania, New York, and Ohio are more doubtful”; and he added that the Van Buren plan was to have Jackson reflected. [32] It is clear from the oscillation of his policy that Duff Green felt that he was losing ground, but not until October, 1830, did he confess to Edwards that his power was waning. “The appointments in your State,” he wrote, “have been the source of much anxiety to me. ”

“ Political assessments also appear promptly on the incoming of the spoils system; Derby describes, apparently truthfully, an early instance of such practice in Boston. [58] The significant fact in regard to the making of appointments is the prominence, hitherto unusual, which was given to partisan activity past and future: the Federalists demanded fitness and harmony of opinion; Jefferson in addition considered past usefulness to the party; under Jackson the promise of future activity became of paramount importance. To faith must be added good works. ”

“ Their integrity may be proof against improper considerations immediately addressed to themselves, but they are apt to acquire a habit of looking with indifference upon the public interests and of tolerating conduct from which an unpracticed man would revolt. ”

“ He transferred his family from Washington to Hartford, entered upon the duties of his office, and the next day found himself superseded by John M. Niles. Petitions in favor of Mr. Norton's retention received many signatures, but he was unable to regain the post. [45]
In spite of this confusion and clash of interests, it is possible to distinguish some guiding principles which controlled appointments when Jackson was tractable and the Senate tired of opposition. Samuel Swartwout wrote to Jesse Hoyt (March 14, 1829) , "The great goers are the new men ”

“ Jackson allowed much more freedom of action to his supporters than one might suppose. Livingston voted against the confirmation of Henry Lee (Hunt, Livingston, 354) . Adams, John Randolph, 296. ↑ Derby, Political Reminiscences, 43. ↑ Niles's Register, xxxvi. 221, 250. ↑ Kendall, Autobiography, 372. ↑ Niles's Register, xxxvi. 221. ↑ House Journal, 24 Cong, 1 sess. 10 (December 7, 1835) . ↑ J. A. Hamilton, Reminiscences, 282. ↑ p. 66. ↑ Derby, Political Reminiscences, 85, 97. ↑ J. A. Hamilton, Reminiscences, 98; Van Buren to Jackson, April 14, 1892; Ibid. ”