Alexander Hamilton

“ And, in future, my dear sir, two things let me recommend, as fundamental rules for the conduct of Congress: to attach the army to them by every motive; to maintain an air of authority (not domineering) in all their measures with the States. The [Pg 168] manner in which a thing is done, has more influence than is commonly imagined. Men are governed by opinion: this opinion is as much influenced by appearances as by realities. If a Government appears to be confident of its own powers, it is the surest way to inspire the same confidence in others. ”

“ At Philadelphia, and all my journey through the country, I endeavored to impress upon those in power, the necessity of sending clothing, and supplies of every kind, immediately to this army. But poverty was urged as a plea, in bar to every application. They all promised fair, but I fear will do but little: ability is wanting with some, and inclination with others.
Public credit is so totally lost, that private people will not give their aid, though they see themselves involved in one common ruin. ”

“ A firm, wise, manly system of federal government is what I once wished, what I now hope, what I dare not expect, but what I will not despair of.
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Your description of the mode of collecting taxes, contains an epitome of the follies which prevail from one end of the continent to the other. There is no end to the absurdity of human nature. Mankind seem to delight in contrast and paradox; for surely nothing else could sanctify (during a contest on the precise point of being taxed by our own consent) the arbitrary policy which, on this subject, almost universally prevails. ”

“ Never did a nation unite more circumstances in its favor than we do: we have nothing against us but our own misconduct.
There are two classes of men among us, equally mistaken: one who, in spite of daily experience, of accumulated distress, persist in a narrow line of policy, and, amidst the most threatening dangers, fancy every thing in perfect security. Another, who, judging too much from the outside, alarmed by partial misfortunes, and the disordered state of our finances, without estimating the real faculties of the parties, give themselves up to an ignorant and ill-founded despondency. ”

“ HAMILTON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. New-York, May 19, 1788.
My Dear Sir:
I acknowledge my delinquency in not thanking you before for your obliging letter from Richmond. But the truth is, that I have been so overwhelmed in avocations of one kind or another, that I have scarcely had a moment to spare to a friend. You, I trust, will be the less disposed to be inexorable, as I hope you will believe there is no one for whom I have more inclination than yourself—I mean of the male kind. ”

“ HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. New-York, July 3, 1787.
Dear Sir:
In my passage through the Jerseys, and since my arrival here, I have taken particular pains to discover the public sentiment, and I am more and more convinced that this is the critical opportunity for establishing the prosperity of this country on a solid foundation. I have conversed with men of information, not only of this city, but from different parts of the State; and they agree that there has been an astonishing revolution for the better in the minds of the people. ”

“ Baron Steuben, who will be the bearer of this, waits on Congress to have his office [2] arranged upon some decisive and permanent footing. It will not be amiss to be on your guard. The Baron is a gentleman for whom I have a particular esteem; and whose zeal, intelligence, and success, the consequence of both, entitle him to the greatest credit. But I am apprehensive, with all his good qualities, a fondness for power and importance, natural to every man, may lead him to wish for more extensive prerogatives in his department than it will be for the good of the service to grant. ”

“ HAMILTON TO MISS SCHUYLER. Tappan, Oct. 2, 1780.
Poor André suffers to-day. Every thing that is amiable in virtue, in fortitude, in delicate sentiment, and accomplished manners, pleads for him: but hard-hearted policy calls for a sacrifice. He must die——. I send you my account of Arnold’s affair; and to justify myself to your sentiments, I must inform you, that I urged a compliance with André’s request to be shot; and I do not think it would have had an ill effect: but some people are only sensible to motives of policy, and sometimes, from a narrow disposition, mistake it. ”

“ Confidence is a plant of very slow growth; and our political situation is not too favorable to it. I am, therefore, very unwilling to hazard the germ of a credit, which will, in its greater maturity, become very useful. If my notes circulate only among mercantile people, I do not regret it, but rather wish that the circulation may, for the present, be confined to them, and to the wealthier members of other professions. It is nothing but the greater convenience, which will induce people to prefer any kind of paper to the precious metals ”

“ LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON. [18] Paris, April 12, 1782.
Dear Hamilton:
However silent you may please to be, I will nevertheless remind you of a friend who loves you tenderly, and who, by his attachment, deserves a great share in your affection. This letter, my dear sir, will be delivered or sent by Count de Segur, an intimate friend of mine, a man of wit and of abilities, and whose society you will certainly be pleased with. I warmly recommend him to you, and hope he will meet from you with more than civilities. Now let us talk politics. ”

“ I have the honor to be,
With sincere respect,
Your Excellency’s
Most obedient servant,
A. Hamilton.
To his Excellency General Washington.
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HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. Philadelphia, March 25, 1783.
Sir:
The inclosed I write more in a public than in a private capacity. Here I write as a citizen, zealous for the true happiness of this country; as a soldier who feels what is due to an army which has suffered every thing, and done much for the safety of America.
I sincerely wish ingratitude was not so natural to the human heart as it is. ”

“ I, who have seen all the workings and progress of the present discontents, am convinced, that a want of this has not been among the most inconsiderable causes.
You will perceive, my dear sir, this letter is hastily written, and with a confidential freedom: not as to a member of Congress, whose feelings may be sore at the prevailing clamors; but as to a friend, who is in a situation to remedy public disorders; who wishes for nothing so much as truth; and who is desirous of information, even from those less capable of judging than himself. ”

“ All we have to fear is, that the want of money may disband the army, or so perplex and enfeeble our operations, as to create in the people a general disgust and alarm, which may make them clamor for peace on any terms. But if a judicious administration of our finances, assisted by a Bank, takes place, and the ancient security of property is restored, no convulsion is to be apprehended. Our opposition will soon assume an aspect of system and vigor, that will relieve and encourage the people, and put an end to the hopes of the enemy. ”

“ Should it be said, that the associations of the people, without legal authority, do not amount to a breach of the public faith; the answer is, If the government does not repress them, and prevent their having effect, it is as much a breach, as a formal refusal to comply on its part. In the eye of a foreign nation, if our engagements are broken, it is of no moment whether it is for the want of good intention in the government, or for want of power to restrain its subjects. ”

“ But if force is necessary to carry their decision into execution, the longer it is delayed the more force it will require. The misfortune is, though I believe there are but few States that favor their independence, some members of those who do, take great pains to encourage the revolters in their opposition, by secret assurances that Congress will not direct any coercive measures against them: and I am not without my fears that this conduct will, in some measure, defeat the present resolutions.
I am, with great respect and esteem,
Dear Sir, your most obedient servant,
George Clinton. ”

“ The long and expensive wars of King William, had drained England of its specie: its commerce began to droop for want of a proper medium: its taxes were unproductive, and its revenues declined. The administration wisely had recourse to the institution of a Bank; and it relieved the national difficulties. We are in the same, and still greater, want of a sufficient medium. We have little specie: the paper we have is of small value, and rapidly descending to less: we are immersed in a war for our existence as a nation, for our liberty and happiness as a people: we have no revenues nor no credit. ”

“ Supposez donc, que notre Géneral jugeât par des circonstances ultérieures qu’il peut encore être temps de m’y envoyer, comme il ne faut pas perdre un moment, il serait bon que je ne fusse pas obligé de retourner au camp. Pour cela il faudrait m’envoyer avec les ordres, toutes les lettres nécessaires pour le Géneral Lincoln et autres. Vous savez, mon cher Colonel, ce que je désire à cet égard. Si je vais là-bas, il faut que mon arrivée soit comme un de ces accidents au théâtre qui réveille les spectateurs, et redonne de l’activité et de la chaleur à la pièce, vous m’entendez. ”

“ To me it appears evident, that an executive ministry, composed of men with the qualifications I have described, would speedily restore the credit of government abroad and at home—would induce our allies to greater exertions in our behalf—would inspire confidence in moneyed men in Europe, as well as in America, to lend us those sums of which it may be demonstrated we stand in need, from the disproportion of our national wealth to the expenses of the war. ”

“ I would rather incur the negative inconveniences of delay than the positive mischiefs of injudicious expedients. A contrary conduct serves to destroy confidence in the government, the greatest misfortune that can befall a nation. There should, in my opinion, be a character of wisdom and efficiency in all the measures of the Federal Council, the opposite of a spirit of temporizing concession. ”

“ It is in vain to tell men, who have parted with a large part of their property on the public faith, that the services of the army are entitled to a preference: they would reason from their interest and their feelings: these would tell them, that they had as great a title as any other class of the community to public justice; and that while this was denied to them, it would be unreasonable to make them bear their part of a burthen for the benefit of others. ”

“ Nothing is more common than for men to pass from the abuse of a good thing, to the disuse of it. Some persons, disgusted by the depreciation of the money, are chimerical enough to imagine it would be beneficial to abolish all paper credit, annihilate the whole of what is now in circulation, and depend altogether upon our specie, both for commerce and finance. The scheme is altogether visionary, and in the attempt would be fatal. We have not a competent stock of specie in this country, either to answer the purposes of circulation in trade, or to serve as a basis for revenue. ”

“ Surely, the State of New-York, with its capital and its frontier posts (on which its important fur trade depends) in the hands of the British troops, ought to take care that nothing is done to furnish a pretext on the other side, even for delaying, much less for refusing, the execution of the treaty. We may imagine that the situation of Great Britain puts her under a necessity, at all events, of fulfilling her engagements, and cultivating the good will of this country.
This is, no doubt, her true policy; but when we feel that passion makes us depart from the dictates of reason ”

“ Already some of the lines of the army would obey their States in opposition to Congress, notwithstanding the pains we have taken to preserve the unity of the army. If any thing would hinder this, it would be the personal influence of the General; a melancholy and mortifying consideration.
The forms of our State constitutions, must always give them great weight in our affairs, and will make it too difficult to bend them to the pursuit of a common interest; too easy to oppose whatever they do not like: and to form partial combinations subversive of the general one. ”

“ For my own part, the more I can penetrate the views of the Anti-federal party in this State, the more I dread the consequences of the non-adoption of the Constitution by any of the other States—the more I fear an eventual disunion, and civil war. God grant that Virginia may accede. The example will have a vast influence on our politics. New Hampshire, all accounts give us to expect, will be an assenting State. ”

“ I am persuaded a solid Confederation, a permanent army, a reasonable prospect of subsisting it, would give us treble consideration in Europe, and produce a peace this winter.
If a Convention is called, the minds of all the States, and the people, ought to be prepared to receive its determinations by sensible and popular writings, which should conform to the views of Congress. There are epochs in human affairs when novelty even is useful. ”

“ The truth is, in human affairs there is no good, pure and unmixed: every advantage has two sides: and wisdom consists in availing ourselves of the good, and guarding as much as possible against the bad.
The tendency of a National Bank is to increase public and private credit. The former gives power to the State, for the protection of its rights and interests: and the latter facilitates and extends the operations of commerce among individuals. Industry is increased, commodities are multiplied, agriculture and manufactures flourish: and herein consists the true wealth and prosperity of a State. ”