Edward Stack

“ On the other hand, it would be equally unreasonable and opposed to the facts to deny that, among such communities as the Tibeto-Burman peoples of Assam, race and language do, constantly and in a general manner, coincide. People who speak a tongue which is unintelligible to their neighbours are necessarily thrown together into a unity of their own. Their ancestral ideas and institutions, secular and religious, their tribal history, must tend to keep them united, and perpetuate the influence of a common origin by the fact that all outside the community are actual or potential enemies. ”

“ So they flew away beautifully again to heaven together. Harata Kunwar there pondered in his mind: “Shall I ever succeed in getting her to wife?” And again he asked his grandmother, “Granny, when shall I succeed in getting one to wife?” His granny answered, “Not in that way, grandson. Build for yourself a jungle hut.” So next morning a jungle hut he went to build. In a single day he finished building one, great and big, and came home again. “The jungle-hut is finished, granny,” he said. “Then cut for yourself a flute,” advised his granny. ”

“ The ceremonies of the funeral are performed by the neighbours and cunning men and women of the village, and the old people of the family. The wife, children, parents, brothers and sisters of the dead sit beside him and mourn, in spite of corruption, or even sleep beside the decomposing corpse. “It is genuine grief, a national characteristic. Even after the funeral service, they remember and mourn; and the death of another renews their grief.” The mourners continue their lamentation, heedless of the dancing. ”

“ In former days the village youths (as in Naga-land) used to live together in a house by themselves, called in Mikir māro or teràng (in Assamese, deka-chang) .2 Now there is no mārō, and the rīsōmār live in the gaoṅbura’s house, in the hòng-phārlā, the place in which strangers are lodged. They send a boy to bring their food from their homes, and all eat together. Each man’s share is brought in a leaf-bundle (àn-bòr) to keep it warm. The gaoṅbura calls the people together, and proposes that, having so many lads in the village, they should start a lads’ club. ”

“ Whether in North Cachar, the Jaintia Hills, Nowgong, or the Mikir Hills, their tribal institutions, their language, and their national character are identical, and they pursue their peaceful husbandry in the same manner as their forefathers, raising in ordinary years sufficient food for their subsistence, and a considerable amount of cotton and lac for export to the plains. In these circumstances, surrounded by warring tribes, and still nomadic in their habits of cultivation, they have from time to time found it necessary to place themselves under the protection of stronger peoples. ”

“ Hèmphū must be invoked first in every sacrifice, being the peculiar owner of men.
Rèk-ànglòng (“the mountain of the community”) or Inglòng-pī (“great mountain”) is a house-god, but is worshipped in the field, and only men eat the sacrifice, which is a fowl or a goat once a year. He is the god of the hill they live on, the Deus loci, with whom they have to be at peace; but not every family in the village need have him.
Ārnàm pārō (“the hundred god”) is the name of a god who takes a hundred shares of rice, pithāguri, betel-nut, and the red spathe of the plantain tree cut up. ”

“ Next came the creation of animals. Hèmphū and Mukràng were the leaders, but they were helped by Pīthē and Pōthē (“great mother” and “great father”) . The elephant was first created to be a servant to man. Then the tiger was made, and bidden to eat the wicked; any one killed by a tiger is still thought to have committed some great crime.
Then a great council was held, and it was decided to create a being called ārlèng (man) . The first man’s name was Bāmon-pō, and he had created for him two wives, one a Mikir and the other an Assamese. But no offspring was born to the man for a long time. ”

“ Water is làng, and village is ròng. Searching through the tribal vocabularies, Tangkhul Naga (a Naga-Kuki form of speech) appears to have, in ta-rā, the corresponding word to làng (r = l, and ta a prefix) . Nowhere else in the neighbourhood is there a trace of a similar word until we come to Burmese, where water is rē (now pronounced yē) . Similarly, it appears to be only in Burmese that we have a word for village, rwā, corresponding to the Mikir ròng. These coincidences, like others already mentioned, seem to point to the south for the affinities of the Mikir race. ”

“ The imperative is, for the second person, the bare root, or more usually the root strengthened by the addition of nòn or thā, and dialectically of noi; nòn (= “now”) is the strongest form. The other persons are formed by the addition of nàng (a verb meaning “to be necessary”) to the future in -po or present in -lo: “let us go” is ī-tum dàm-po-nàng; “let us go to the field and plough,” rīt hai-bai dàm-lo-nàng. We may, for the third person, use the causative form of the verb: lā-kē pedàm-nòn, “let him go.” ”

“ The decision of disputes is the business of the village mē, or council,4 presided over by the gaoṅbura (Mikir, sār-thē) . The mē is composed of all the male householders. The gaoṅbura is chosen for his personal character by the householders. On election, he repairs, with beer and spirits, to the head gaoṅbura or mauzadar, bringing with him two or three other gaoṅburas. A pig is killed, the company eat and drink together, and the gaoṅbura is declared duly elected. The mē is summoned by the gaoṅbura. It decides all village disputes, and inflicts small fines. ”

“ Causative verbs, however, are in many Kuki-Chin languages constructed with the verb pē or pèk, “to give,” as in Mikir; and the suffix of the conjunctive participle in Mikir, -sī, is perhaps the same as -chū in Khoirāo. In Boṛo the prefix fi-, answering to the Mikir pi-, was formerly used to form causatives, as appears from verbal roots in current use; the construction now most common uses -nu, which has the same meaning (“to give”) as a suffix.
The negative verb in Mikir is formed by suffixing the particle -ē to the positive root, when the latter begins with a vowel. ”

“ Pèng is also a household god. His offering is a goat, sacrificed yearly, in the tikup or space before the house. Some neighbours are invited to the sacrificial feast. Pèng lives in the house, Ārnàm Kethē in heaven. Pèng is also sacrificed to in sickness. Very few houses have not Pèng. Maize, rice, and a gourd of rice-beer are placed for him above the veranda of the house, and the firstfruits of the harvest are offered to him. “But these two gods only come to eat, and families avoid taking them if they can.”
Hèmphū (“head of the house,” “householder”) owns all the Mikir people. ”

“ Even in Europe, the clearest and most logical of languages, French, prefers to use the active form of phrase (with on) rather than the passive.
The negative verb is a very interesting and remarkable feature of the language. A separate negative root, formed by prefixing or suffixing a negative particle, and conjugated in the same way as the positive, is indeed a common property of Tibeto-Burman speech; but in Mikir this secondary root is formed in a peculiar manner. The negating syllable -ē is added to the primitive, as un, “can,” un-ē, “cannot”; òng, “be much,” òng-e, “be not much” ”

“ The bride’s father then asks his wife to enquire of the girl if she will take the lad; without her consent the beer and spirits cannot be accepted. If the wife reports consent, the beer and spirits are drunk by the two fathers. Sometimes they sit the whole night before the girl’s consent is obtained. If any knowing old men are there, they sing in two parties: “We cannot send our daughter to your house!” “We cannot leave our boy to stay with you!” When the question of consent is settled, all eat together. ”

“ There is no device (as in Tibetan) for distinguishing the case of the agent with transitive verbs.
The genitive always precedes the noun on which it is dependent. When the word in the genitive is a pronoun of the first or second person, nothing intervenes between them: nē-mèn, “my name”; nàng-pē, “thy clothes.” But when, the pronoun is in the third person, or a noun is in the genitive case, the following noun has ā- prefixed: e.g. lā ā-pō, “his father”; Ārnàm ā-hèm, “God’s house”; hijai-ātum ā-kàm, “the jackals’ work” ”

“ At harvest-home there is no sacrifice, but the whole village help mutually in getting the crops in, and feast together on rice and beer, and dried fish and dried flesh saved up against this celebration, or fresh fish if procurable. No animals are killed, except in some houses a fowl, lest the paddy brought home should decrease; this fowl is eaten. On this occasion there is a little dancing on the hòng, but with this exception music and dancing take place only at funerals. ”

“ I have neither house nor field. I live only by begging my food. Why have you come?” Harata Kunwar answered, “I will stay here with you and be your companion.” The old woman said, “You, who are fit to be a king; a great man, how will you be able to live with me here?” Harata Kunwar answered, “Very good, granny; here I will stay.” So he became her companion there. Then his granny the widow said, “Harata Kunwar, spread the paddy out in the sun to dry. I will go and beg paddy in the king’s village. After you have spread out the paddy, if you want to bathe in the river, don’t go up-stream ”

“ Charms are not, as a rule, carried on the person.
The expression vur kāchethāt, “to kill for oneself (a fowl) for disease,” means to prevent evil by sacrifice after a dream which had previously been followed by mischance.
If a child does not thrive, it is imputed to the sin, or devil (āhī-ī) of the maternal uncle (òng) , or, if there is no maternal uncle, of one of the child’s mother’s kur. The family apply [37] to the person held to be responsible, and he gives a brass ring to be hung round the child’s neck, and a rice-ball (àn ādum) . ”

“ In three or four days, in the hot weather, fermentation sets in; in the cold weather a longer time is required. It is then put into an earthern jar or kalsī (Beng.) and water added, after which it is emptied into a conical basket, whence it is allowed to strain through a bamboo joint into a pot below. To make hòr (Ass. modh) , rice is taken from the basket and warmed with water, which is strained off, and is the modh or hòrpō; the rice is thrown to the pigs. The better and stronger beer is that which was drained off the original conical basket, and is called hòr-ālàng. ”

“ Bòr do-kòklē, plàng-plē-jī mā? “If you have got a bòr, will you not become rich?” Bòrs are not common; one gets them by chance in river, field, or jungle. Or a man dreams that he can get a bòr in such a place, and finds it there. But these amulets are not objects of worship or propitiation.
The Gods—Ārnàm-ātum—are innumerable, and are worshipped in different ways, at different times, and in different places. The names of some of the most important are given below.
Ārnàm Kethē, in spite of his name, which means “The Great God,” has no definite authority over the other Gods. ”

“ The vegetables are those commonly used by the Assamese. Sugar-cane (nòk) is not much grown. A favourite seasoning is mint (lōpòng-brik) .
Men and women eat together, within the house. The right hand is used in eating. Leaf-plates are most used, but platters of pot-metal are also found. No knife is used in eating: the meat is cut up beforehand.
The first meal is cooked and eaten at 7 or 8 a.m., and consists of rice. The evening meal is cooked after the day’s field-work is over, unless there be a cook in the house. ”